This document dated November 6, 1982 is a report from Antonio Rubbi on a meeting he had with the Chinese chargé d’affaires on November 5th. He had been ordered to inform the PCI, the only party to be informed, of the visit of Marchais to China. During the meeting with Hu Yao Bang, he states that China is leading player is defending world peace. Both the USSR and USA are to blame for current unrest in their quest for hegemony.

Deng and Berlinguer talk about the strategy of Indira Gandhi and the policy of the Soviet Union in South Asia.

It contains the notes of the July 1979 meetings with Feng Xuan. Feng advocates for good relationship between the two sides based on mutual respect and equality and independence. He talks about the Soviet military threat on China. He stressed that the PCI position that advocates for criticism to other parties on 'important issues' is considered hostile to the CCP if that touches on Sino-Soviet relations. Feng expresses his wish to host in 1980 an official delegation of the CC of the PCI.

The Chinese delegation stresses that Soviet social-imperialism is the main offensive threat to world peace today. Europe is its main target to win over the US in the global hegemonic race. The Soviet Union is in an offensive posture while the US is on a defensive one. It also describes China's position on the conflict with Vietnam.

In this note, the Italian delegation stresses the importance of the negotiations between China and Vietnam, the international crisis and the advance of the rightist parties at the European elections and the energy crisis. A special focus is devoted to a critical approach to Chinese hostility towards the Soviet Union.

The Chinese Embassy in Pyongyang conveys comments that Kim Jong Il made to a Chinese student in the DPRK.

This East German report, issued after the Interkit meeting in Prague, addresses the domestic and foreign policies of China. It makes reference to internal conflicts destabilizing the Chinese leadership. China is said to be enhancing its military potential, especially in the area of missiles and nuclear weapons. Its aims in foreign policy are to acquire a leadership position in the so-called "Third World", to expand its relations with capitalist countries, to damage the unity of the Socialist bloc, and to obstruct the foreign relations of the Soviet Union. Considering the increase of influence of China on North Korea, Romania, and Vietnam, as well as on the Communist parties in Spain and Italy, the Socialist countries must improve their anti-Maoist propaganda efforts.

Malfatti reports his observations of the Chinese ambassador, who displayed a strong position against the Soviet Union and Taiwan.

Crema outlines the current trends of Chinese foreign policy as Chinese mission leaders abroad gradually return and border tensions with the USSR arise.

UN Representative Milko Tarabanov reported to the Bulgarian Communist Party Politburo recent developments of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. The report summarizes the conference's work from November 1962-December 1962, the period following the Cuban Missile Crisis. Tarabanov reports that Western powers put forward two draft agreements calling for the cessation of nuclear tests in the atmosphere, under water and in outer space, and underground--the proposals were debated during the 17th United Nations session.

The Cubam Missile Crisis occurred during the conference's session. Main issues discussed after Cuban Missile Crisis included: suspension of nuclear tests, Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko's proposal at the 17th session of the UN, ways to measure nuclear weapons testing, and military alliances (NATO).

Tarabanov also addresses the inter workings of conference members--Western, socialist, and neutral--including disagreements among Western powers. In summary Tarabanov adds that the prospect for cessation of nuclear tests is poor, but notes that the US may consider closing military bases, though not under pressure of the Soviet Union or neutral countries.