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1919

A Handwritten Note by Alfred Sursock, Omar Beyhum, Habib Trad, Joseph Audi, and A. Bassoul, to General Henri Gouraud

In the last two years of World War I, British Empire troops based in Egypt succeeded in occupying Bilad al-Sham (Greater Syria, roughly present-day Israel/Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan), which had been Ottoman from 1516/17. In October 1918, British troops evacuated the area roughly corresponding to present-day Lebanon, and a French contingent landed in Beirut and spread southwards along the coast. The following month, France occupied also Cilicia, in present-day southern Turkey, and in July-August 1920 it took Syria, terminating the originally British-supported Arab Kingdom there governed by the Hashemite King Faysal I (1885-1933) and imposing a League of Nation Mandate over that country and Lebanon that it had in principle received in the Allied San Remo conference, in April 1920, and that became official in 1923. (France evacuated Cilicia in March 1921, following a treaty with the Turkish National Movement, which would establish the Turkish Republic in 1923.) With these measures, France implemented key parts of the 1916 Franco-British Sykes-Picot Agreement regarding the post-war, post-Ottoman administrative-territorial order of Greater Syria, Iraq, and southeastern Anatolia. (While secret, this agreement was made public by the Bolsheviks in November 1917.)

In November 1919, General Henri Gouraud (1867-1946) became France’s new political representative and troop commander in Lebanon, and French troops took full control of most parts of present-day Lebanon. The below printed here, a short note to Gouraud that may or may not have been sent in actual fact, was penned by a number of Beirut’s leading Christian and Muslim merchant-politicians. Picking up concepts current following World War I in other parts of the world and especially Europe―discussed e.g. in Dominique Kirchner Reill’s The Fiume Crisis. Life in the Wake of the Habsburg Empire (2020) ― the authors of this document show how much the postwar order was in flux, as discussed in Carol Hakim’s The Origins of the Lebanese National Idea, 1840-1920 (2013) and, for Bilad al-Sham, in Cyrus Schayegh’s The Middle East and the Making of the Modern World (2017). Beirut did not become a Free City or free port, though it did become the capital of Greater Lebanon, created in 1920, and the headquarters of the French Mandate government over Lebanon and Syria.

December 19, 1917

Nahwa Suriya (Towards Syria)

From the 1880s to 1914, about half a million Ottoman citizens from Bilad al-Sham (present-day Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and Palestine/Israel) emigrated, principally for economic reasons. A majority were Christians. Most hailed from what after World War I became Lebanon and Syria; some were from Palestine. While some travelled to Africa—a story analyzed in Andrew Arsan’s Interlopers of Empire: The Lebanese Diaspora in Colonial French West Africa (2014)—a large majority headed to the Americas, where they worked mostly in lower-class professions, soon launched newspapers, and founded numerous local but interlinked migrant societies. Although only few returned permanently, equally few renounced their Ottoman citizenship. Moreover, a good number of emigrants stayed in touch with their place of origin: socially, e.g. through letter exchanges, marriages, and the occasional visit; economically and financially, e.g. through remittances; and politically.

As Stacy Fahrenthold has shown in Between the Ottomans and the Entente: The First World War in the Syrian and Lebanese Diaspora, 1908-1925, political involvement grew after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution in the Ottoman Empire. For one thing, Ottoman freedom of expression improved for a few years; for another, the Young Turk regime hoped to politically recruit migrants for the Ottoman cause, though had little success. Migrants’ own political involvement increased in World War I. A clear majority turned against the Ottoman Empire. This was reflected also in numerous South- and North-American-Syrian journals.

One was the New York-based al-Fatat, whose founder in 1916, Shukri al-Bakhkhash, wrote the below text; he was born in 1889 in Zahle, present-day Lebanon, and arrived in the United States in the early 1910s. Moreover, thousands sought to, and did, join the war as volunteers on the Allied side, organized by Syrian American recruiters across the Western hemisphere. From 1914-17, migrants enlisted in the French and British armed forces and from 1917 also in the US military, fighting in Europe and the Middle East. (Al-Bakhkhash himself enlisted in the US army in 1918.) This was a political act that they and their communities hoped would further Syria’s liberation from Ottoman rule and give Syrians a voice in the postwar world, though they did not quite agree how post-Ottoman Syria would or should look like and whether a (and if yes, which) foreign country—principally, France or the United States—should play a role in it.

July 28, 1982

Excerpts of Talks between Leading Comrades and Foreign Guests (No. 7)

A Chinese Communist Party digest of commentaries about Chinese foreign affairs and domestic politics made by Hu Yaobang, Zhao Ziyang, Deng Xiaoping, Zhang Wenjin, and Huang Hua to various foreign officials from the United States, the Philippines, and other countries.

May 8, 1990

Col. Henryk Jasik (Director of Department I, Ministry of Internal Affairs), 'Re: Meeting with Representatives of the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States'

A summary of a meeting between representatives of the Intelligence Service of the Polish Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Central Intelligence Agency. The two sides discussed cooperation in the fight against international terrorism, the establishment of a FBIS office in Poland, and further exchanges on intelligence sharing and cooperation.

September 15, 1985

Cable No. 769, Ambassador Kato to the Foreign Minister, 'Ambassador Nakayama's Visit to Syria'

A summary of the meeting between Foreign Minister Shara of Syria and Special Envoy Nakayama about the relationship between Japan and Syria and the American hostages in Lebanon. The two discuss how the release of the Lebanese prisoners in Israel influences the situation of the American hostages.

September 13, 1985

Cable No. 469, Foreign Minister to the Ambassador to Syria Kato, 'Problem of the Release of the American Hostages (Special Envoy Nakayama’s Visit to Syria)'

In this telegram the Foreign Minister of Japan instructs Ambassador to Syria Kato to prepare for a second visit regarding the American hostages held in Lebanon from Special Envoy Nakayama.

September 12, 1985

First Middle East Division Director, 'Main Points of Remarks and Questions and Answers for Special Envoy Nakayama (for President Assad and Foreign Minister Shara)'

A summary of the main points Special Envoy Nakayama will state in a meeting with Syrian government officials. Nakayama urges Syria to continue advocating for the release of the American hostages in Lebanon, citing the recent release of the Lebanese prisoners in Israel as motivation to continue.

August 1985

Special Envoy Nakayama’s Visit to Syria (Summary of Remarks and Response)

This summary of Special Envoy Nakayama’s visit to Syria includes discussion of bilateral relations between Japan and Syria, cooperation in economic and technical fields, cultural exchange, peace in the Middle East, and the Iran-Iraq conflict.

August 10, 1985

Cable No. 402, Foreign Minister to the Ambassador to Syria Kato, 'Problem of the Release of the American Hostages (Main Points of Remarks for the Prime Minister’s Special Envoy)'

In a letter to the President Assad of Syria, Prime Minister of Japan Nakasone describes the relationship between Japan and Syria as a growing closer and thanks Syria for their assistance in the help of the release of the American hostages held in Lebanon.

August 5, 1985

Cable No. 394, Foreign Minister to the Ambassador to Syria, 'Problem of the Release of the American Hostages (Main Points of Remarks, Questions and Answers for Prime Minister’s Special Envoy)'

A draft telegram from the Foreign Minister of Japan to the Ambassador to Syria that discusses the main points for discussion regarding the Special Envoy Nakayama’s visit to Syria. The document discusses the release of the American hostages in Lebanon and the TWA Flight 847 hijacking incident of 1985.

Pagination